{"id":16375,"date":"2014-08-03T22:15:37","date_gmt":"2014-08-03T19:15:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.toplumcudusunceenstitusu.org\/?p=16375"},"modified":"2021-02-22T22:16:08","modified_gmt":"2021-02-22T19:16:08","slug":"the-stumbling-emergence-of-social-democracy-in-turkey","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.toplumcudusunceenstitusu.org\/en\/the-stumbling-emergence-of-social-democracy-in-turkey\/","title":{"rendered":"The stumbling emergence of Social Democracy in Turkey"},"content":{"rendered":"<div id=\"cmsmasters_row_9n36hq62ql\" class=\"cmsmasters_row cmsmasters_color_scheme_default cmsmasters_row_top_default cmsmasters_row_bot_default cmsmasters_row_boxed\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_outer_parent\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_outer\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_inner\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_margin\">\n<div id=\"cmsmasters_column_ch469d4j5f\" class=\"cmsmasters_column one_first\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_column_inner\"><div class=\"cmsmasters_text\">\n<h3 style=\"text-align: center;\">Toplumcu D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc<\/h3>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: center;\">Book Review<\/h3>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: left;\">Book Review\/14-002 24 July 2014<\/h3>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: left;\">Haz\u0131rlayan: William ARMSTRONG<\/h3>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1 style=\"text-align: center;\">The stumbling emergence of Social Democracy in Turkey<\/h1>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>\u2018The Emergence of Social Democracy in Turkey: The Left and the Transformation of the Republican People\u2019s Party\u2019 by Yunus Emre (Macmillan, $95, 336 pages)<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>* This review is a re-print of the article that was published in H\u00fcrriyet Daily News on July 24, 2014 at http:\/\/www.hurriyetdailynews.com\/the-stumbling-emergence-of-social-democracy-in-turkey.aspx?pageID=238&amp;nid=69500<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-16380\" src=\"https:\/\/www.toplumcudusunceenstitusu.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/02\/chp-kitap-3-jpg-457.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"298\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.toplumcudusunceenstitusu.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/02\/chp-kitap-3-jpg-457.jpeg 298w, https:\/\/www.toplumcudusunceenstitusu.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/02\/chp-kitap-3-jpg-457-199x300.jpeg 199w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 298px) 100vw, 298px\" \/><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan is never happier than when he is slamming the main opposition Republican People\u2019s Party (CHP) as solely responsible for all the authoritarian ills of Turkey\u2019s modern history. The point is hammered so effectively and relentlessly that it has become an uncontestable truth for many Turks, but like most tub-thumping political rhetoric from the bully pulpit it\u2019s a gross oversimplification. In fact, the CHP has spent far more time out of power than in it throughout republican history, and the its traditional principles have had a far less tenacious hold on the Turkish state than many want to believe. Indeed, those principles have been robustly contested within the party itself.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>This detailed study by Turkish academic Yunus Emre focuses on the emergence of the CHP\u2019s social democratic wing in the 1950s and 1960s, examining the peculiar trajectory of a center-left outside of social democracy\u2019s \u201cnative\u201d Western Europe. To frame this emergence, Emre spends a long time sketching the party\u2019s origins in the early years of the republic, when it was in charge as a single party government for 27 years. In many senses, this early CHP defined itself against the left: The existence of classes and class interests was flatly rejected by the Kemalist nation-builders, who emphasized the principle of a single corporatist nation undifferentiated by class struggle or division and suppressed the organized labor movement. The establishment of a national economy and a national bourgeoisie was prioritized; no class-based organizations were allowed until 1947 and socialism and socialist organizations were illegal until the 1960s (long after the single-party era had ended).<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>This heavy historical heritage was the main obstacle to the social democratization of the CHP, and Emre is keen to stress that the influences that led to the emergence of social democratic tendencies in the party came from outside, rather than from within. One of the biggest pressures came from the Democrat Party government of the 1950s, when electoral competition forced the CHP to search for a message and appeal to the masses. However, it took the military coup of 1960 to bring this reformist shift to the fore. After that intervention, a new constitution was written with heavy cooperation between the military and the CHP, resulting in probably the most \u201cliberal\u201d constitution Turkey has ever had \u2013 despite the fact that it also reinforced the military\u2019s heavy-handed role in politics.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>When parliamentary elections returned, the CHP went into three unwieldy coalition governments with conservative partners, throughout which its reformist and social democratic urges went into abeyance. Though it\u2019s true that Labor Minister \u2013 and future PM \u2013 B\u00fclent Ecevit managed to pass a key right to strike law in 1963, the three governments of the CHP in the first half of the 1960s generally enacted policies that were a flat denial of the reformist program. Still, outside pressures from the left kept the social democratic elements of the CHP relevant. Key among these was the emergence of left-wing parties and working class organizations in the early 1960s. The first explicitly socialist party in Turkey to win parliamentary representation was the Workers Party of Turkey (T\u0130P), led by lawyer Mehmet Ali Aybar, which became one of the key actors in defining the country\u2019s emergent left. Addressing the effects of this left on the CHP, Emre writes:<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>The CHP did not contribute to the development of the left or to the working<\/p>\n<p>class movement. However, this newly emerging left directly influenced [its]<\/p>\n<p>position. The emergence of a strong socialist movement became the main<\/p>\n<p>reason for [its] shift to the left-of-centre. The new political environment after<\/p>\n<p>the emergence of the left forced the CHP to redefine itself under the new<\/p>\n<p>circumstances.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>This influence would manifest itself, to varying degrees, in three key policy areas that are studied in detail in this book: Land reform, planned development, and anti-Americanism. After the last of the three unstable post-coup coalition governments collapsed in 1965, the CHP\u2019s reformist wings came to the fore more confidently and the term \u201cleft of center\u201d started to be used explicitly by the party hierarchy.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The traditionalist and reformist wings of the CHP have coexisted uneasily ever since, and the former has been dominant since the party reformed in 1992. Some observers have suggested that the key to success for today\u2019s CHP lies in tilting the political conversation in Turkey away from the cultural arguments that it can\u2019t win and towards economic dividing lines. That\u2019s easier said than done, and ignores not only the AKP government\u2019s ability to dominate the popular narrative, but also the sheer strength of the cultural arguments in the post-1980 context. What\u2019s more, it\u2019s also important to remember Turkey\u2019s peculiar political class dynamics.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The CHP may be the nominal (however contestable) party of the mainstream \u201cleft\u201d in Turkey, but its base constituency is not made up of the working and lower-middle classes \u2013 a direct reversal of the typical western European social democratic model. While leftist parties in Turkey have appealed with some success to those classes in the past, transcending the cultural and class divide as figures like Ecevit once did looks an almost impossible task today.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"cmsmasters_row_8os56hrjp7\" class=\"cmsmasters_row cmsmasters_color_scheme_default cmsmasters_row_top_default cmsmasters_row_bot_default cmsmasters_row_boxed\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_outer_parent\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_outer\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_inner\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_row_margin\">\n<div id=\"cmsmasters_column_iqbl02y0wb\" class=\"cmsmasters_column one_first\">\n<div class=\"cmsmasters_column_inner\"><div id=\"cmsmasters_icon_tg1ps9cmt\" class=\"cmsmasters_icon_wrap\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.toplumcudusunceenstitusu.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/02\/sd-ye-pdf-456.pdf\"><span class=\"cmsmasters_simple_icon cmsmasters-icon-file-pdf\"><\/span><span class=\"cmsmasters_simple_icon_title\">T\u00fcm makaleyi okumak i\u00e7in l\u00fctfen PDF dosyas\u0131n\u0131 indirin<\/span><\/a><\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":16378,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[565],"tags":[595,596,597,594,598,580,581,593,592],"class_list":["post-16375","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics","tag-chp-en","tag-haber-en","tag-kitap-en","tag-social-democracy","tag-sosyal-demokrasi-en","tag-turkey-en","tag-turkiye-en","tag-william-armstrong","tag-yunus-emre"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v24.3 - 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